Dead Men Talking
Did Julius Caesar stage his own death? Was King Tut murdered? And what
killed Alexander the Great? A forensic psychiatrist joins hot debates
over cold cases.
Harvard
Medical Alumni Bulletin, Spring 2005
by Harold J. Bursztajn
Julius Caesar, the Haruspices warned, would ignore their gut instincts
at his own peril. One morning in early March 44 B.C., these specialists
in the Etruscan art of divination carefully peered at sacrificial animal
entrails. The signs were troubling. But Caesar would not be deterred
from his plan to attend the Senate.
It was not the only dark omen the fabled Roman dictator received—and
ignored—in the days preceding his murder. A soothsayer had famously warned
him that a grave danger would befall him no later than the Ides of March.
Caesar's wife was so disturbed by her dream of their house collapsing
that she begged him not to leave that fateful day. And as Caesar made
his way to the Senate, someone who had learned of the conspiracy pressed
a warning note into the doomed man's hand.
While many historians agree on the chain of events surrounding Caesar's
assassination—one of the most meticulously documented murders in history—an
intriguing question remains: why did this man succumb in the
manner he did? Did Julius Caesar—a genius, a shrewd general who never
lost a battle, and perhaps history's most brilliant military tactician—really
walk blindly into a trap? He had access to high levels of intelligence;
he even died with the warning note clutched in his hand. Why did he dismiss
his bodyguards shortly before his murder? How could such a wily, well-informed
power broker and long-term political survivor come to be killed in front
of hundreds of witnesses at a Senate gathering?
When Atlantic Productions, a British-based, award-winning television
production company, asked me to participate in its investigation into
this puzzle for the Discovery Channel, I couldn't resist. To cover as
many angles as possible in its planned documentary—"Who
Killed Julius Caesar?"—the company had assembled a team of researchers
that included an internationally distinguished forensic criminal investigator
and several talented classical historians. This would not be my first
foray into the realm of psychohistorical inquiry. I had already served
as a forensic psychiatric analyst on another Discovery Channel program, "The
Assassination of King Tut."
In the Caesar analysis, I would be applying many of the same tools and
principles 1 had employed on the Tut project. Psychoanalytically informed
decision analysis modifies the assumption of traditional decision analysis—that
under conditions of uncertainty, humans make choices based on rational
self-interest—with the psychoanalytic perspective that "rational" and "irrational" in
a given context may not be obvious, commonsensical, or universal. I was
intrigued by the chance to apply this type of analysis to the seeming
paradox of Caesar's murder.
Body of Evidence
Although the crime took place more than 2,000 years ago in a setting
that now bears little resemblance to the imposing complex it once was—today
the locals use the ruins of Pompey's portico as a cat sanctuary—substantial
and detailed clues remain. The conspirators had not intended to leave
such a trail; their original plan, historical sources recount, had been
to dump Caesar's lifeless body in the nearby Tiber. The reasons behind
the timing and motive of their change of heart remain murky, but all
accounts agree that Caesar's corpse lay sprawled on the spot where the
dictator had been cut down for some time before slaves finally transported
it to Caesar's household.
Antistius, a doctor who may have been Caesar's personal physician, was
summoned to conduct a postmortem examination. According to his autopsy
report—perhaps history's first recorded application of medical knowledge
to a homicide investigation—only one of Caesar's 23 stab wounds had proved
fatal. Although it is impossible to verify Antistius's conclusions—the
frenzied crowd at Caesar's public funeral improvised a pyre and cremated
the body—his inquiry marked the beginning of the pathologist's role as
expert witness to murder.
Given our inability to reexamine the physical evidence, it made sense
to extend our investigation in a different forensic direction, one geared
toward psychiatric analysis. The Italian detective on the case, Luciano
Garofano, was anxious to reassess questions about Caesar's physical and
mental conditions in the period leading up to the assassination. Specifically,
Garofano sought to understand why Caesar had acted so strangely in the
weeks before his death.
We contemplated in particular one instance of Caesar's odd behavior that
took place not long before his murder. By 44 B.C. resentment of Caesar
was already festering among Rome's powerful old aristocratic elite. He
had been named dictator for life, and some citizens referred to him as
their king, although Caesar had ostentatiously refused to accept a crown,
despite adopting many regal trappings. In January of that year, Caesar's
likeness began appearing on Roman coins. This unprecedented, shocking
use of the image of a living person fueled suspicions that Caesar, despite
his protestations, was planning to overthrow the republic and declare
his reign royal. Rumors swirled that an illegitimate Egyptian son—by
Caesar's lover Cleopatra—would succeed Caesar, a prospect that left Rome's
aristocracy aghast. When a group of senators went to Caesar—according
to some accounts, to placate his ambitions by offering him deification—rather
than rising to honor the senators upon their arrival, he remained seated,
a grievous insult that may have sealed his fate.
Plutarch claimed that Caesar refused to stand for fear of having an epileptic
seizure, while another ancient historian, Dio, suggested that Caesar
may have stayed in his seat to prevent an attack of diarrhea. Considering
other details in descriptions of his behavior, the question as to whether
temporal lobe epilepsy influenced Caesar's choices seemed well worth
exploring. Symptoms of temporal lobe epilepsy, which become more common
as the seizures progress and become more generalized, include increased
dissociation and incontinence of bladder and bowel.
As 1 reviewed all the evidence, including Caesar's medical history, a
suspicion began to form. Might Caesar, driven by narcissistic concern
for his own image and dignity, have engineered his own death? Might a
man who had risen to become the most powerful ruler in his world have
found it deeply humiliating to lose control of both his sense of continuity
in space and time and his body in public? It is reasonable to infer that
Caesar would have found it far more painful to be perceived as pitiable
and incontinent than haughty and rude. The life choices he faced might
have struck him as especially stark: old age and increasing fits, temporal
lobe-influenced loss of memory, and even public diarrhea—or a dramatic
exit worthy of the most powerful dictator the world had ever known.
Suicide by Cop?
I next raised the question of whether Caesar's pubic murder was not simply
a narcissist's suicide, but also a consciously chosen strategic act designed
to ensure his succession. One classical historian on our team has argued
that Caesar effectively handed the conspirators a deadline when he announced
his impending departure for war with Parthia. Garofano noted that Caesar
secretly changed his will to name his successor six months before his
death—and he left every citizen enough money to live on for three months,
guaranteeing a groundswell of mourning and adulation. It does not seem
farfetched to interpret these events not as the acts of a man blinded
to his vulnerability by his own arrogance, but as the careful orchestrations
of someone who, in writing about his life, clearly craved historical
immortality.
It is one hypothesis but no more than that; I used forensic neuropsychiatry
and psychoanalytically informed decision analysis as ways to open other
paths of inquiry, rather than to come to a definitive conclusion. As
a working psychoanalyst, I exercise curiosity in the most private of
settings about an analysand's received truths and accepted "absolute" wisdom,
to help free the analysand to ask previously unthinkable questions. As
a forensic psychiatrist, I work on interdisciplinary teams to explore
potential translations between the clinical world of meaning and the
legal world of objectivity, to understand the choices people make when
faced with ambiguity or adversity.
While the circumstances of Caesar's death must remain shrouded in speculation,
the aftermath clearly dovetailed with his enormous ambitions. Within
a few years, every one of the conspirators would be dead, some by their
own hands. The Roman Republic, which the killers had ostensibly hoped
to preserve, effectively ended with Caesar's murder. Power passed quickly
from the dead dictator to his handpicked successor. Caesar's grand-nephew
Octavius was only 19 at the time of his uncle's assassination, but as
the chief heir to Caesar's tremendous fortune and powerful family name,
he commanded the loyalty of the Roman middle and lower classes outraged
by the murder of their champion. He would become Rome's first emperor,
known as Caesar Augustus.
Two years later, his dead uncle would be formally deified as "the
Divine Julius," and Caesar Augustus would take the title of "Son
of God." Every Roman emperor who followed Augustus also adopted
Caesar as part of his name until the reign of Hadrian, who designated
Caesar as the title of the heir apparent; the imperial use of Caesar
would reverberate many centuries after Julius Caesar's death with the
German Kaiser and the Russian czar, cementing a legacy of immortality
that perhaps even Caesar himself couldn't have imagined. But, then again,
Caesar had always gotten everything he wanted in life. Why not also in
death? ■
Pyramid Scheme
Of all history's medical mystery Controversies, none has raged more fiercely
than the question of whether King Tutankhamun's death resulted from natural
causes or foul play Did the 1 8-year-old boy-king fall victim, as one
scholar has proposed, to an infected insect bite? To tuberculosis? To
an accidental fall from a chariot? To poison? Or to an assassin's blow
to the back of his skull? These are just a few of the many theories that
have been hove advanced over the years.
This spring, the media widely reported that the mystery had finally been
solved; King Tut, a team of Egyptian scientists who conducted the first-ever
CT scans on his mummy concluded, hoc not been murdered but had likely
died of gangrene that set in following a leg fracture. Yet, while the
media presented the team's findings as definitive, not all scholars are
convinced.
In my role as a forensic psychiatric analyst on the Discovery Channel
documentary, "The Assassination of King Tut," I considered
a number of people in Tut's inner circle who might have had the motive,
means, and opportunity to engineer the young king's demise. The two principal
suspects. Ay, Tut's prime minister who succeeded Tut as king and appears
to have forced Tut's widow into marriage, and Horemhab, Tut's military
commander, who in turn succeeded Ay to the throne, were the de facto
rulers of Egypt from the time Tut was crowned at the age of nine.
As Tut matured into manhood, he would likely have posed a threat to their
behind-the-scenes power. To be a compliant child in need of the protection
of a powerful regent might mean something very different than to be an
adolescent king eager to take the reins of power from that regent. People
will resort to far riskier acts, including murder, to avoid the loss
of power than they might simply to gain power. When the question is asked, "Who
had the most to lose from Tut continuing to be alive?" only one
suspect leaps out as prime: Ay, whose influence could only diminish as
the king came into his own.
Although the Egyptian investigators insist that the physical evidence
points away from conspiracy, others are not so sure. Experts continue
to disagree about the origin and significance of bone fragments found
loose in Tut's skull. Some suspect they resulted from the embalming process
itself or from early rough handling of Tut's mummy by archaeologists.
To others, they signal evidence of lethal—perhaps deliberate—head trauma.
Tut might have been particularly vulnerable to a fall—or a push; some
experts have interpreted the x-rays of his mummy as revealing signs of
Klippel-Feil syndrome, a musculoskeletal malformation that can make it
impossible for those born with the condition to turn their heads without
moving the entire torso. Even if Tut suffered from a medical condition
that increased his risk of accidental death, that doesn't necessarily
mean that his death was an accident.
It is possible that the mystery will never be solved to everyone's satisfaction;
the politics of contemporary Egyptology are every bit as complex as the
politics of power were during Tut's reign, with many staking out absolutist
claims about what remains a case open for analysis. ■
Alexander the Great
Alexander the Great was one of the most powerful military conquerors
who ever lived, a daredevil who insisted on personally leading the charge
into battle. He founded numerous cities and colonies, was crowned pharaoh
of Egypt and king of Persia, and survived war-related injuries and illnesses
ranging from hypothermia, to arrow strikes, to a splintered rib and torn
lung. Is it possible that this man, one of history's fiercest warriors,
succumbed to a broken heart?
Whispers of regicide swirled when 32-year-old Alexander met his sudden,
mysterious end. Ancient chroniclers agree that, following one of his
customary bouts of heavy drinking with friends, Alexander came down with
a burning fever. His condition deteriorated steadily for nearly two weeks
before he died. Scholars have proposed a number of natural causes, including
malaria, tuberculosis, influenza, alcoholic liver disease, schistosomiasis,
leptospirosis, and even West Nile virus. One infectious-disease expert
theorized, in a 1998 New England Journal of Medicine article,
that Alexander fell victim to untreated typhoid fever, perhaps complicated
by ascending paralysis and bowel perforation. Ascending paralysis, which
mimics rigor mortis, could explain the odd legend, the author claims,
that Alexander's body didn't decay for days after his death.
But others have argued that the recorded symptomatology and time course
of Alexander's final illness are inconsistent with each of the various
proposed diagnoses. Could something more sinister have cut down this
battle-hardened young man in his prime? Some have eyed with suspicion
the wine Alexander imbibed so heavily, suggesting that it may have contained
poison. Certainly, jealousy, ambition, or revenge could have motivated
one or more of Alexander's many enemies—OS they inspired the murders
of Alexander's father, mother, half-siblings, wife, heir, and illegitimate
son.
Another theory holds that white hellebore, a plant widely used in ancient
Macedonia as a purgative, might have been to blame. Alexander may have
made regular use of it, and even a small overdose of hellebore could
have proved lethal. Whether hellebore felled Alexander by means of a
murderous conspiracy or accidental overdose, or some infectious disease
defeated Alexander's immune system, the king's vulnerability may ultimately
have been more psychological than physical. As a forensic psychiatric
consultant to a third Discovery Channel investigation, I considered that,
at the time of his death, Alexander was in despair, figuratively if not
literally brokenhearted. Hephaistion—Alexander's second in command, best
friend, and lover—had died months earlier, perhaps of typhoid fever,
or perhaps of poisoning by those resentful of the power he wielded as
Alexander's favorite.
Whatever the cause of Hephaistion's death, Alexander is reported to have
gone mad with grief, shaving his head and the manes of the army horses,
and, legend says, executing the attending doctor, who had failed to save
his lover's life. A huge funeral memorial to honor Hephaistion—who, Alexander
stipulated, was to be worshiped as a divine hero—was still under construction
when Alexander himself died.
Alexander's frenzy may well have led him to self-medicate with alcohol
and to take more risks than usual. Did his excessive drinking and staggering
grief signal weakness to enemies who decided to take him out? In his
zeal to plunge himself quickly back into the distraction of battle, did
he unwittingly swallow too much of the purgative that had helped him
return to fighting trim in the past? Or did his grief and depression
fatally compromise his ability to resist infectious disease? Whatever
the immediate cause of death, I think it likely that the loss of Hephaistion,
coupled with Alexander's inability to complete the grieving process,
marked the beginning of Alexander's spiraling vulnerability to sickness,
overindulgence, self-destructive behavior—and perhaps even wicked plots.
■
Harold J. Bursztajn 76 has served as co-director of the Harvard Medical
School Program in Psychiatry and the Law at the Massachusetts Mental
Health Center since 1982. He also maintains a private practice in
Cambridge, Massachusetts.