Dead Men Talking
Did Julius Caesar stage his own death? Was King Tut murdered? And what
killed Alexander the Great? A forensic psychiatrist joins hot debates
over cold cases.
Harvard Medical Alumni Bulletin, Spring 2005
by Harold J. Bursztajn
Julius Caesar, the Haruspices warned, would ignore their gut instincts
at his own peril. One morning in early March 44 B.C., these specialists
in the Etruscan art of divination carefully peered at sacrificial
animal entrails. The signs were troubling. But Caesar would not be
deterred from his plan to attend the Senate.
It was not the only dark omen the fabled Roman dictator received—and
ignored—in the days preceding his murder. A soothsayer had famously
warned him that a grave danger would befall him no later than the
Ides of March. Caesar's wife was so disturbed by her dream of their
house collapsing that she begged him not to leave that fateful day.
And as Caesar made his way to the Senate, someone who had learned
of the conspiracy pressed a warning note into the doomed man's hand.
While many historians agree on the chain of events surrounding Caesar's
assassination—one of the most meticulously documented murders in
history—an intriguing question remains: why did this man
succumb in the manner he did? Did Julius Caesar—a genius, a shrewd
general who never lost a battle, and perhaps history's most brilliant
military tactician—really walk blindly into a trap? He had access
to high levels of intelligence; he even died with the warning note
clutched in his hand. Why did he dismiss his bodyguards shortly before
his murder? How could such a wily, well-informed power broker and
long-term political survivor come to be killed in front of hundreds
of witnesses at a Senate gathering?
When Atlantic Productions, a British-based, award-winning television
production company, asked me to participate in its investigation
into this puzzle for the Discovery Channel, I couldn't resist. To
cover as many angles as possible in its planned documentary—"Who
Killed Julius Caesar?"—the company had assembled a team
of researchers that included an internationally distinguished forensic
criminal investigator and several talented classical historians.
This would not be my first foray into the realm of psychohistorical
inquiry. I had already served as a forensic psychiatric analyst on
another Discovery Channel program, "The Assassination of King
Tut."
In the Caesar analysis, I would be applying many of the same tools and
principles 1 had employed on the Tut project. Psychoanalytically
informed decision analysis modifies the assumption of traditional
decision analysis—that under conditions of uncertainty, humans make
choices based on rational self-interest—with the psychoanalytic perspective
that "rational" and "irrational" in a given
context may not be obvious, commonsensical, or universal. I was intrigued
by the chance to apply this type of analysis to the seeming paradox
of Caesar's murder.
Body of Evidence
Although the crime took place more than 2,000 years ago in a setting
that now bears little resemblance to the imposing complex it once
was—today the locals use the ruins of Pompey's portico as a cat sanctuary—substantial
and detailed clues remain. The conspirators had not intended to leave
such a trail; their original plan, historical sources recount, had
been to dump Caesar's lifeless body in the nearby Tiber. The reasons
behind the timing and motive of their change of heart remain murky,
but all accounts agree that Caesar's corpse lay sprawled on the spot
where the dictator had been cut down for some time before slaves
finally transported it to Caesar's household.
Antistius, a doctor who may have been Caesar's personal physician, was
summoned to conduct a postmortem examination. According to his autopsy
report—perhaps history's first recorded application of medical knowledge
to a homicide investigation—only one of Caesar's 23 stab wounds had
proved fatal. Although it is impossible to verify Antistius's conclusions—the
frenzied crowd at Caesar's public funeral improvised a pyre and cremated
the body—his inquiry marked the beginning of the pathologist's role
as expert witness to murder.
Given our inability to reexamine the physical evidence, it made sense
to extend our investigation in a different forensic direction, one
geared toward psychiatric analysis. The Italian detective on the
case, Luciano Garofano, was anxious to reassess questions about Caesar's
physical and mental conditions in the period leading up to the assassination.
Specifically, Garofano sought to understand why Caesar had acted
so strangely in the weeks before his death.
We contemplated in particular one instance of Caesar's odd behavior that
took place not long before his murder. By 44 B.C. resentment of Caesar
was already festering among Rome's powerful old aristocratic elite.
He had been named dictator for life, and some citizens referred to
him as their king, although Caesar had ostentatiously refused to
accept a crown, despite adopting many regal trappings. In January
of that year, Caesar's likeness began appearing on Roman coins. This
unprecedented, shocking use of the image of a living person fueled
suspicions that Caesar, despite his protestations, was planning to
overthrow the republic and declare his reign royal. Rumors swirled
that an illegitimate Egyptian son—by Caesar's lover Cleopatra—would
succeed Caesar, a prospect that left Rome's aristocracy aghast. When
a group of senators went to Caesar—according to some accounts, to
placate his ambitions by offering him deification—rather than rising
to honor the senators upon their arrival, he remained seated, a grievous
insult that may have sealed his fate.
Plutarch claimed that Caesar refused to stand for fear of having an epileptic
seizure, while another ancient historian, Dio, suggested that Caesar
may have stayed in his seat to prevent an attack of diarrhea. Considering
other details in descriptions of his behavior, the question as to
whether temporal lobe epilepsy influenced Caesar's choices seemed
well worth exploring. Symptoms of temporal lobe epilepsy, which become
more common as the seizures progress and become more generalized,
include increased dissociation and incontinence of bladder and bowel.
As 1 reviewed all the evidence, including Caesar's medical history, a
suspicion began to form. Might Caesar, driven by narcissistic concern
for his own image and dignity, have engineered his own death? Might
a man who had risen to become the most powerful ruler in his world
have found it deeply humiliating to lose control of both his sense
of continuity in space and time and his body in public? It is reasonable
to infer that Caesar would have found it far more painful to be perceived
as pitiable and incontinent than haughty and rude. The life choices
he faced might have struck him as especially stark: old age and increasing
fits, temporal lobe-influenced loss of memory, and even public diarrhea—or
a dramatic exit worthy of the most powerful dictator the world had
ever known.
Suicide by Cop?
I next raised the question of whether Caesar's pubic murder was not simply
a narcissist's suicide, but also a consciously chosen strategic act
designed to ensure his succession. One classical historian on our
team has argued that Caesar effectively handed the conspirators a
deadline when he announced his impending departure for war with Parthia.
Garofano noted that Caesar secretly changed his will to name his
successor six months before his death—and he left every citizen enough
money to live on for three months, guaranteeing a groundswell of
mourning and adulation. It does not seem farfetched to interpret
these events not as the acts of a man blinded to his vulnerability
by his own arrogance, but as the careful orchestrations of someone
who, in writing about his life, clearly craved historical immortality.
It is one hypothesis but no more than that; I used forensic neuropsychiatry
and psychoanalytically informed decision analysis as ways to open
other paths of inquiry, rather than to come to a definitive conclusion.
As a working psychoanalyst, I exercise curiosity in the most private
of settings about an analysand's received truths and accepted "absolute" wisdom,
to help free the analysand to ask previously unthinkable questions.
As a forensic psychiatrist, I work on interdisciplinary teams to
explore potential translations between the clinical world of meaning
and the legal world of objectivity, to understand the choices people
make when faced with ambiguity or adversity.
While the circumstances of Caesar's death must remain shrouded in speculation,
the aftermath clearly dovetailed with his enormous ambitions. Within
a few years, every one of the conspirators would be dead, some by
their own hands. The Roman Republic, which the killers had ostensibly
hoped to preserve, effectively ended with Caesar's murder. Power
passed quickly from the dead dictator to his handpicked successor.
Caesar's grand-nephew Octavius was only 19 at the time of his uncle's
assassination, but as the chief heir to Caesar's tremendous fortune
and powerful family name, he commanded the loyalty of the Roman middle
and lower classes outraged by the murder of their champion. He would
become Rome's first emperor, known as Caesar Augustus.
Two years later, his dead uncle would be formally deified as "the
Divine Julius," and Caesar Augustus would take the title of "Son
of God." Every Roman emperor who followed Augustus also adopted
Caesar as part of his name until the reign of Hadrian, who designated
Caesar as the title of the heir apparent; the imperial use of Caesar
would reverberate many centuries after Julius Caesar's death with the
German Kaiser and the Russian czar, cementing a legacy of immortality
that perhaps even Caesar himself couldn't have imagined. But, then again,
Caesar had always gotten everything he wanted in life. Why not also in
death? ■
Pyramid Scheme
Of all history's medical mystery Controversies, none has raged more fiercely
than the question of whether King Tutankhamun's death resulted from
natural causes or foul play Did the 1 8-year-old boy-king fall victim,
as one scholar has proposed, to an infected insect bite? To tuberculosis?
To an accidental fall from a chariot? To poison? Or to an assassin's
blow to the back of his skull? These are just a few of the many theories
that have been hove advanced over the years.
This spring, the media widely reported that the mystery had finally been
solved; King Tut, a team of Egyptian scientists who conducted the
first-ever CT scans on his mummy concluded, hoc not been murdered
but had likely died of gangrene that set in following a leg fracture.
Yet, while the media presented the team's findings as definitive,
not all scholars are convinced.
In my role as a forensic psychiatric analyst on the Discovery Channel
documentary, "The Assassination of King Tut," I considered
a number of people in Tut's inner circle who might have had the motive,
means, and opportunity to engineer the young king's demise. The two
principal suspects. Ay, Tut's prime minister who succeeded Tut as
king and appears to have forced Tut's widow into marriage, and Horemhab,
Tut's military commander, who in turn succeeded Ay to the throne,
were the de facto rulers of Egypt from the time Tut was crowned at
the age of nine.
As Tut matured into manhood, he would likely have posed a threat to their
behind-the-scenes power. To be a compliant child in need of the protection
of a powerful regent might mean something very different than to
be an adolescent king eager to take the reins of power from that
regent. People will resort to far riskier acts, including murder,
to avoid the loss of power than they might simply to gain power.
When the question is asked, "Who had the most to lose from Tut
continuing to be alive?" only one suspect leaps out as prime:
Ay, whose influence could only diminish as the king came into his
own.
Although the Egyptian investigators insist that the physical evidence
points away from conspiracy, others are not so sure. Experts continue
to disagree about the origin and significance of bone fragments found
loose in Tut's skull. Some suspect they resulted from the embalming
process itself or from early rough handling of Tut's mummy by archaeologists.
To others, they signal evidence of lethal—perhaps deliberate—head
trauma. Tut might have been particularly vulnerable to a fall—or
a push; some experts have interpreted the x-rays of his mummy as
revealing signs of Klippel-Feil syndrome, a musculoskeletal malformation
that can make it impossible for those born with the condition to
turn their heads without moving the entire torso. Even if Tut suffered
from a medical condition that increased his risk of accidental death,
that doesn't necessarily mean that his death was an accident.
It is possible that the mystery will never be solved to everyone's satisfaction;
the politics of contemporary Egyptology are every bit as complex
as the politics of power were during Tut's reign, with many staking
out absolutist claims about what remains a case open for analysis.
■
Alexander the Great
Alexander the Great was one of the most powerful military conquerors
who ever lived, a daredevil who insisted on personally leading the
charge into battle. He founded numerous cities and colonies, was
crowned pharaoh of Egypt and king of Persia, and survived war-related
injuries and illnesses ranging from hypothermia, to arrow strikes,
to a splintered rib and torn lung. Is it possible that this man,
one of history's fiercest warriors, succumbed to a broken heart?
Whispers of regicide swirled when 32-year-old Alexander met his sudden,
mysterious end. Ancient chroniclers agree that, following one of
his customary bouts of heavy drinking with friends, Alexander came
down with a burning fever. His condition deteriorated steadily for
nearly two weeks before he died. Scholars have proposed a number
of natural causes, including malaria, tuberculosis, influenza, alcoholic
liver disease, schistosomiasis, leptospirosis, and even West Nile
virus. One infectious-disease expert theorized, in a 1998 New
England Journal of Medicine article, that Alexander fell victim
to untreated typhoid fever, perhaps complicated by ascending paralysis
and bowel perforation. Ascending paralysis, which mimics rigor mortis,
could explain the odd legend, the author claims, that Alexander's
body didn't decay for days after his death.
But others have argued that the recorded symptomatology and time course
of Alexander's final illness are inconsistent with each of the various
proposed diagnoses. Could something more sinister have cut down this
battle-hardened young man in his prime? Some have eyed with suspicion
the wine Alexander imbibed so heavily, suggesting that it may have
contained poison. Certainly, jealousy, ambition, or revenge could
have motivated one or more of Alexander's many enemies—OS they inspired
the murders of Alexander's father, mother, half-siblings, wife, heir,
and illegitimate son.
Another theory holds that white hellebore, a plant widely used in ancient
Macedonia as a purgative, might have been to blame. Alexander may
have made regular use of it, and even a small overdose of hellebore
could have proved lethal. Whether hellebore felled Alexander by means
of a murderous conspiracy or accidental overdose, or some infectious
disease defeated Alexander's immune system, the king's vulnerability
may ultimately have been more psychological than physical. As a forensic
psychiatric consultant to a third Discovery Channel investigation,
I considered that, at the time of his death, Alexander was in despair,
figuratively if not literally brokenhearted. Hephaistion—Alexander's
second in command, best friend, and lover—had died months earlier,
perhaps of typhoid fever, or perhaps of poisoning by those resentful
of the power he wielded as Alexander's favorite.
Whatever the cause of Hephaistion's death, Alexander is reported to have
gone mad with grief, shaving his head and the manes of the army horses,
and, legend says, executing the attending doctor, who had failed
to save his lover's life. A huge funeral memorial to honor Hephaistion—who,
Alexander stipulated, was to be worshiped as a divine hero—was still
under construction when Alexander himself died.
Alexander's frenzy may well have led him to self-medicate with alcohol
and to take more risks than usual. Did his excessive drinking and
staggering grief signal weakness to enemies who decided to take him
out? In his zeal to plunge himself quickly back into the distraction
of battle, did he unwittingly swallow too much of the purgative that
had helped him return to fighting trim in the past? Or did his grief
and depression fatally compromise his ability to resist infectious
disease? Whatever the immediate cause of death, I think it likely
that the loss of Hephaistion, coupled with Alexander's inability
to complete the grieving process, marked the beginning of Alexander's
spiraling vulnerability to sickness, overindulgence, self-destructive
behavior—and perhaps even wicked plots. ■
Harold J. Bursztajn 76 has served as co-director of the Harvard Medical
School Program in Psychiatry and the Law at the Massachusetts Mental
Health Center since 1982. He also maintains a private practice in Cambridge,
Massachusetts.